Showing posts with label Dialectics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dialectics. Show all posts

Monday, 21 June 2021

Dialectics, part 3: Plato

Plato as depicted by Raphael
in his painting ‘The School
of Athens’, 1509-11
It is a fact of ‘the human condition’ that we Homo sapiens, not being gods, do not enjoy absolute knowledge – what individuals or even entire societies can know with certainty about the universe is profoundly limited. The human world therefore is full of opinions, many of them in conflict, and it can be hard to tell the difference between truth and mere belief. Rather than despairing at the possibility of ever arriving at truth, we need a philosophical method that can help us to navigate the wealth of available opinion and work out what is true and what is not. 

Although dialectical thinking begins with Heraclitus, it is in the work of Plato that we find the name ‘dialectic’ given to a system of thought – one that tries to play this heuristic (problem-solving) role. In fact, he seems to have invented the term, according to classical scholars: 

Plato was a prolific coiner of terms words ending with -ikē… There seems to be little question that Plato coined the word dialektikē. [1]

Plato’s version of the dialectic was a core part of the programme in the Academy in Athens and throughout antiquity. 

The edition of Plato’s dialogues I will refer to is the Complete Works, edited by John M. Cooper and D.S. Hutchinson (Hackett, 1997). Referencing is by Stephanus number. 

Heraclitus exerted a strong influence on Plato, who shares Heraclitus’s commitment to trying to look beyond the surface of the world to underlying, hard-mined truths. But Plato prefers a kind of union of Heraclitus with Parmenides: for him, Heraclitus’s conception of constant motion is true of the transitory world that we perceive immediately through the senses; this however is in a sense less real than another eternally unchanging world, intelligible only through reason, that resembles more closely the conception of Parmenides. This contradiction between an abstract, apparently immutable reason and concrete, changeable sense data is one of the most fundamental dichotomies in philosophy. 

One could dedicate a career to investigating the ins and outs of the Platonic dialogues with respect to dialectic. All I attempt here is an overview. 

Etymology


The word ‘dialectic’ comes from the ancient Greek verb dialegomai (also dialegesthai) which means to converse, or to talk through. This comes from the Greek roots dia- (‘through’, ‘across’ as in ‘diameter’, or ‘between’) and legein, a verb meaning ‘to talk’ or ‘to gather’ that also gave Greek the word logos (‘discourse’ or ‘talk’, as I discussed in Part 2 on Heraclitus). We see here the sense of talking between people. That verb gives us the noun dialektos (‘discourse, conversation’) and the adjective dialektikos (discursive, conversational). The same root is the origin of the English words dialogue and dialect

The term entered English by way of late Latin dialectica and then Old French dialectique, deriving from the expression dialektike (technē), in Greek διαλɛκτική (τέχη), which leans on the term technē meaning art, skill or craft. The way to understand this expression is explained by David Roochnik in his book Beautiful City

Consider dialektikē. As John Lyons has shown, its suffix implies technical knowledge: ‘The form in -ikē may be used indifferently with or without technē and in either case it will be picked up by technē with equal readiness’... In general, -ikē is used to turn an adjective, which itself is derived from a noun, into the name of a specific technē. An example: hippos means ‘horse’; hippikos then means ‘having to do with horses’; and hippike means ‘the technē of horsemanship.’ The pattern with ‘dialectic’ is the same. The noun is dialektos, ‘discourse, discussion, debate, dialect, or language.’ Dialektikos then means ‘skilled in language or argument,’ and dialektikē names the technē. [2]

The ending -ikē indicated ‘art of’, therefore dialektike means ‘the art or skill of discourse’. As Robert Burch summarises: 

This etymology on the one hand suggests that dialektike has its basis in ordinary discourse as fundamental to our way of being and being-together, and of ordering, accounting for, and making sense of things; and yet on the other hand that it emerges as distinct from ordinary talk precisely in being the art of discourse. [3]

Dialogue refers to a conversation between two people about any topic; it happens whenever two people talk to each other. It also has a long tradition in philosophy as a literary form. Although he may not have been the inventor of philosophical dialogues, Plato was the first to use the form systematically and brought it to maturity. The 3rd century CE biographer Diogenes Laertius reports: 

They say that Zeno the Eleatic was the first to write dialogues. But, according to Favorinus in his Memorabilia, Aristotle in the first book of his dialogue On Poets asserts that it was Alexamenus of Styra or Teos. In my opinion Plato, who brought this form of writing to perfection, ought to be adjudged the prize for its invention as well as for its embellishment. A dialogue is a discourse consisting of question and answer on some philosophical or political subject. [4]

Dialectic however is not simply dialogue. It is a technē, in which, as we shall see, the skill lies in asking the right questions. By separating itself from conversation/dialogue it becomes structured, even scientific. It is, says Burch, ‘a form of discursive knowledge’, a systematic method of reasoning. Thus we find in it the roots of logic, as developed by Aristotle. This journey was summarised by Dmitri Nikulin in Dialectic and Dialogue

Dialectic originally was an oral practice established in oral dialogue; written dialogue then appeared as an imitation of oral dialectic; and finally, written dialectic was distilled into a non-dialogical and universal method of reasoning. [5]

Like ‘aesthetics’, the English word can be singular (‘dialectic’ / ‘the dialectic’) or plural (‘dialectics’), though there’s no difference between the two. I’m not sure why or how this happened, since we don’t do it for a word like ‘rhetoric’ for example. 

Note that dia- doesn’t mean ‘two’, though it looks a bit like it might – the Greek prefix for ‘two’ would be di-. We also shouldn’t confuse dialectic with dialogism, a discourse developed by the 20th century theorist Mikhail Bakhtin, which explores how characters can express a multiplicity of sometimes-contradictory viewpoints rather than acting as mouthpieces for an author. 

Plato did not develop a systematic terminology let alone a formal doctrine of dialectic. However this etymology shows us, as explored below, how Plato conceived of ‘dialectics’ as the art or technique of discourse as a rational question-and-answer seeking the essence of a concept as part of the philosophical search for truth, as far as possible stripped of emotion (which can harm our judgement) and rhetoric (the art of oratory, aimed at persuading an audience regardless of truth). 

For Plato, this search proceeds by way of three key concepts: elenchus, aporia and maieutics. I will discuss these in turn. 

Elenchus 


Plato modelled his version of dialectic on his mentor Socrates’ famous practice of sitting in the agora or town square in Athens, bending the ear in public of anyone who would talk to him. In the discussion below, ‘Socrates’ refers to Plato’s fictional characterisation, whose similarity to the historical figure is hard to assess. Thus the true inventor of Platonic dialectic was the historical Socrates, upon whose purely oral practice Plato based his own written philosophical corpus. Other ancient writers also wrote dialogues based on Socrates’ method – known as logoi sokratikoi, mentioned in passing by Aristotle in his Poetics – but with the exception of Xenophon these are lost, so comparison is impossible. 

As Nikulin notes, while dialogue provides the opportunity for a question-and-answer exchange, dialectic leads the questioning (p16). Socrates’ method follows the same principle as a legal cross-examination, wherein the opponent puts questions to a witness try and expose them. The dialectician is defined in Cratylus as ‘someone who knows how to ask and answer questions’ (390c) and dialectic is defined in the Theaetetus as ‘examining and trying to refute each other’s appearances and judgments’ (161e, paraphrased). The point is to seek the truth by clarifying concepts: a concept is defined, the definition is challenged, and a contradiction emerges. Socrates, claiming no knowledge of the subject, interrogates someone who claims he (and it is always ‘he’) does have knowledge. What Socrates’ intense questioning usually reveals is that the other person’s understanding is inadequate. A new definition is proposed, then that in turn is interrogated, a contradiction found, and so on. 

Thus Diogenes: 

Dialectic is the art of discourse by which we either refute or establish some proposition by means of question and answer on the part of the interlocutors. 

This technique, which can be found in Plato’s earlier dialogues, is known as elenchus (the commonly used Latin version of the Greek elenkhos = ἔλεγχος, verb elenkhein, adjective ‘elenctic’), which means ‘scrutiny’ or ‘refutation’. I’ll prefer the Latin here just because it is well-established usage. Elenchus is often defined loosely as the Socratic method, although the term predates Socrates e.g. in the poem of Parmenides. According to James H. Lesher, ‘elenchus’ meant ‘shame’ (e.g. in Homer), but the word later came to also mean a ‘test’ to reveal the true nature of a thing or person (akin to an ‘acid test’), and thence a kind of cross-examination; from this emerged further senses of elenchus as either a ‘proof’ or ‘refutation’ depending on how the test went. [6] This sense of cross-examination or testing is inherited by (Plato’s) Socrates, and the word ‘elenchus’ has become a standard label for what he does. The principle is that through rigorous interrogation of our concepts, we can expose and refute half-baked or insufficiently examined claims, arguments and beliefs. 

First, something to bear in mind: we live in a material reality comprised of an infinite number of unique particulars, and as humans we form abstract concepts in order to put phenomena into groups (universals) to make it possible to talk and think about them using language. So what Socrates is interrogating is, more specifically, not reality directly but the concepts we form about reality and through which we try to articulate an understanding of it. 

It’s debatable whether Socrates has a consistent procedure, but the pattern goes something like this: 

  1. Socrates requests a definition and the other person makes a claim (the thesis). 
  2. Socrates posits further, convincing claims entailed by the original claim and gets the person to agree to them. 
  3. Socrates demonstrates that the further claims contradict or negate the thesis. 
  4. The claim is thus refuted, and the person is forced to realise they doesn’t know what they thought they knew. 

One might continue this process exhaustively, but Socrates doesn’t actually do this. Topics scrutinised by him in various dialogues include virtue/excellence, courage, justice, friendship, poetry, and self-control. An example is an early exchange in the dialogue Euthyphro in which Socrates asks the titular prophet to define ‘piety’ or ‘holiness’. Euthyphro says ‘what is dear to the gods is pious, what is not is impious’ (7a). Socrates elicits his agreement that 1) what is pious cannot also be impious and 2) there is discord among the gods; he then points out that there must therefore be things that some gods love but other gods hate, which would mean there are things that are both pious and impious. If Socrates’ line of argument is sound, then Euthyphro’s definition of piety must be wrong or at least inadequate. 

Socrates is not satisfied with mere examples, such as Euthyphro’s ‘prosecuting a wrongdoer’ (5d) as an example of piety. He wants a coherent definition or essence that can define what all particular instances have in common, as when he chides Euthyphro: 

I did not bid you tell me one or two of the many pious actions but that form itself that makes all pious actions pious. (6d) 

An essence is the property or properties a thing must have in order to be what it is (as opposed to properties that are merely ‘accidental’ or non-essential, e.g. a red car is still a car if someone paints it blue, so the redness is not part of the essence of ‘car’). Once we have defined this essence, we can use it as a reference to judge whether any given person or action possesses that quality or has knowledge of it. Aristotle observed in his Metaphysics that Socrates was the first to ‘fix thought on definitions’ (Book I, ch.6). This approach reflects Plato’s interest in universals, from which arose his theory of Forms (see below). Elenchus often establishes that the proposed essence is in fact wrong and that we must attempt to define a new one. 

Plato, then, uses dialectic as ‘a method for grasping the truth’ (Nikulin p3). Its probing character makes it a formidable tool for confronting weak and sloppy ideas. Its immediate effect is destructive, in that it tears down beliefs, and the ‘truth’ is usually not discovered – even Socrates, a veteran of many such conversations and who normally appears to be a few steps ahead and steering the discussion, claims to know nothing. As he says in Charmides

You are talking to me as though I professed to know the answers to my own questions and as though I could agree with you if I really wished. This is not the case – rather, 
because of my own ignorance, I am continually investigating in your company whatever is put forward. (165b) 

We can compare the Socratic method with the didactic method where one person is assumed to know the correct position and simply conveys it to the other – this is the traditional lecture format in pedagogy. 

We can also compare it to the eristic method (a term coined by Plato after eris meaning ‘strife’, see e.g. Sophist 231e) ascribed to the Sophists, a breed of fee-charging philosophers and teachers active in Greece in the 5th and 4th centuries BCE. Today the term ‘sophistry’ has negative connotations (i.e. superficially plausible but fallacious argument) thanks in part to the sustained hostility of Plato – in his view the Sophists were only interested in winning their exchanges through cleverness and persuasive rhetoric, regardless of whether their propositions were true. Notoriously, they used their rhetorical skills to make ‘the worse argument appear the stronger’ (Socrates himself was accused of this by his enemies, e.g. Apology 18b, 19b); their sin, as Fiona Leigh has pointed out, was that they were a ‘willing deceiver’. [7] It is therefore important to debate what people actually believe rather than positions adopted contingently or cynically: ‘Please don’t answer contrary to what you believe,’ Socrates implores Thrasymachus in Republic 346a. Plato explores this tension between rhetoric and truth in several dialogues, such as the Gorgias and Phaedrus. He devotes the Gorgias to exploring the distinction between Sophism and proper philosophy as furthered by the elenchus. For Socrates the purpose of discussion is not formal victory for its own sake, but the philosophical search for truth (according to reality not opinion, see Republic 534c) – he has no interest whatever in trying to overturn true beliefs. As Theodor Adorno put it in his introductory lectures on dialectics, dialectic for Plato is ‘a disciplined form of thought which is meant to protect us from all sophistic manipulation’. [8] 

There is an echo of Heraclitus in this procedure through opposites: a question, and an answer, both of which are indispensible to the dialectical whole. The discourse becomes an arena in which opposites create a permanent possibility of contradiction. This takes its concrete form through the agonistic or competitive character of a debate (in ancient Greece an agon or ἀγών was a struggle or contest) in which two adversaries, i.e. characters in the dialogue, try to refute one another. 

A note of caution: we mustn’t pretend the concept of elenchus is more rigorous than Plato actually makes it. As Gary Alan Scott points out, the concept of ‘elenchus’ must itself be interrogated: 

It is fundamentally unclear whether ‘the elenchus’ is supposed to refer to a process (in which case it could mean ‘to cross-examine,’ ‘to put to the test,’ ‘to put to the proof,’ or ‘to indicate’) or a result (in which case it could mean ‘to shame,’ ‘to refute,’ or ‘to prove’). In short, there is no general agreement about ‘the elenchus,’ and therefore no consensus either about its employment in the dialogues. (p4)

The word elenchus is not used by Socrates as a formal title for his method, in the way modern scholarship tends to use it (and as I have here). Whether it means something specific or refers more generally to any kind of philosophical interrogation is disputed – Socrates ranges across a variety of strategies. Nor does Socrates propose a system with the sort of logical and terminological rigour demanded by modern analytic philosophers – Plato is an ancient Greek writing literary-philosophical dramas and simply does not have that sort of framework in mind. 

Aporia 


The elenchus is only one stage of the journey. The discussion (as in Plato’s early dialogues) typically ends in an impasse or state of puzzlement known in Greek as aporia (ἀπορία). This is well captured by Meno after being grilled by Socrates on the definition of virtue/excellence (aretē). 

I think you are bewitching and beguiling me, simply putting me under a spell, so that I am quite perplexed… my mind and my tongue are numb, and I have no answer to give you. (Meno 80a-b)

He likens Socrates to a stingray that numbs its victim: despite having made many public speeches on virtue, Meno no longer knows what it even is. 

This outcome makes the elenchus seem negative. Pointing out contradictions does not by itself show where the mistake has been made, or provide an answer to the problem. But the elenchus is not merely destructive. Firstly, it teaches us humility. As Socrates remarks in the Apology, comparing himself to a supposedly wise man: 

[I] thought to myself: ‘I am wiser than this man; it is likely that neither of us knows anything worthwhile, but he thinks he knows something when he does not, whereas when I do not know, neither do I think I know; so I am likely to be wiser than he to this small extent, that I do not think I know what I do not know.’ (21d)

This awareness is a step forward: instead of being merely ignorant, we at least realise we are ignorant and can search for a way to escape the dead end. The definition under discussion has been found wanting, but it is not necessarily useless, and the conditions have been created for a new, better definition. The elenchus’ positive aspect is to bring problems to our attention so we can reflect upon them. It should, as Richard Robinson points out, goad people out of what Kant later called ‘dogmatic slumbers’ and into ‘genuine intellectual curiosity.’ [9] Aporetic confusion is not itself the final goal. Socrates clearly believes the aporia is beneficial, as he explains in the Meno after interrogating the slave boy: 

SOCRATES: Do you think that before he would have tried to find out that which he thought he knew though he did not, before he fell into perplexity and realised he did not know and longed to know?
MENO: I do not think so, Socrates.
SOCRATES: Has he then benefitted from being numbed?
MENO: I think so. (84c)

Realising the inadequacy of our knowledge on a topic should motivate us to seek the truth of the matter. In a sense, establishing this atmosphere of open-ended philosophical inquiry is more important than reaching a final answer in every case.

Of course, a Socratic interrogation can also create bad will, as it exposes not only a point of view but the person who holds it. This doesn’t have to be humiliating, e.g. in the Crito when Socrates uses his method to explain to a good friend why he won’t try to escape from gaol. However, Socrates does embarrass Euthyphro on piety, Ion on poetry, Laches on courage, and so on. It can be hard in such a situation not to take things personally. Being shown up as ignorant of the thing you are supposed to be expert in, in public, challenges not only people’s beliefs but their sense of self, and this can make them angry.

So too can Socrates’ arguably dishonest technique of ‘playing dumb’ to draw people into the interrogative trap. This pretence is known as Socratic irony (eirōneia) – it’s ‘irony’ because what’s presented on the surface, who he’s pretending to be, is different to the reality, who he really is. This dishonesty isn’t simply hypocritical because in a sense Socrates really does feel he knows nothing. Wearing a mask allows him to move from position to position in the dialectical agon.

Rather than embrace the opportunity to become wiser and set forth to seek enlightenment, his interlocutors are more likely to make excuses to escape, or get cross, exacerbating the state of aporia. They don’t really renounce their original position even when its problems have been exposed to them. When they are socially and politically important, incurring their anger can be dangerous – as Socrates found at the cost of his life when resentful Athenians put him on trial.

Maieutics


The Platonic dialectic has another aspect known as the maieutic, from Greek (maieutikós = μαιευτικός, ‘obstetric’, relating to childbirth). Socrates argues that knowledge is already in the person him- or herself and the philosopher’s task is to skilfully bring it forth, like a midwife helping a mother to deliver a child. He makes the analogy to midwifery in the Theaetetus: when Theaetetus is struggling to find a definition of knowledge, Socrates says he is in labour, pregnant with an idea, a metaphor first floated in Plato’s earlier Symposium. (Feminists have much to say about imagery of male pregnancy, but we won’t investigate that here.) Socrates offers his services to help Theaetetus deliver this spiritual ‘child’.

Now my art of midwifery is just like [midwives’] in most respects. The difference is that I attend men and not women, and that I watch over the labour of their souls, not of their bodies. And the most important thing about my art is the ability to apply all possible tests to the offspring, to determine whether the young mind is being delivered of a phantom, that is, an error, or a fertile truth. For one thing which I have in common with the ordinary midwives is that I myself am barren of wisdom... But with those who associate with me it is different. At first some of them may give the impression of being ignorant and stupid; but as time goes on and our association continues, all whom God permits are seen to make progress – a progress which is amazing both to other people and to themselves. And yet it is clear that this is not due to anything they have learned from me; it is that they discover within themselves a multitude of beautiful things, which they bring forth into the light. But it is I, with God’s help, who deliver them of this offspring. (Theaetetus 150b-150d)

Socrates claims he is unable to ‘give birth’ himself, but can help other men do so. This process of bringing forth knowledge through dialectical question-and-answer draws in this passage upon Plato’s theory of recollection, outlined in the Meno, which assumes that we already have all knowledge within us thanks to our eternal souls and merely need help recovering it – it’s not clear how committed Plato is to that obviously mistaken theory and we needn’t be diverted by it. 

The point of maieutics is that it illustrates a positive process of the dialectic. Whereas the elenchus is largely negative (a search for contradictions to challenge claims to knowledge), maieutics is positive (an attempt to discover knowledge). Maieutics assumes that the interlocutor already knows the answers to our philosophical problems and that these can be coaxed out by skillful application of dialectic. Again, it is only through association with Socrates’ dialectical method that truth can be brought forth. 

Moral education


Since the elenchus operates upon an individual and their self-knowledge, it has a moral potential that goes beyond the search for logical consistency. By challenging a person’s beliefs and sense of themselves, it can encourage them to question their life and values, as observed by the Athenian general Nicias in the Laches

Whoever comes into close contact with Socrates and associates with him in conversation must necessarily, even if he began by conversing about something quite different in the first place, keep on being led about by the man’s arguments until he submits to answering questions about himself concerning both his present manner of life and the life he has lived hitherto. (187e) 

In the Sophist, Plato has a character refer to the elenchus as a sort of purging: 

We have to say that refutation is the principal and most important kind of cleansing. Conversely we have to think that even the king of Persia, if he remains unrefuted, is uncleansed in the most important respect. He’s also uneducated and ugly, in just the ways that anyone who is going to be really happy has to be completely clean and beautiful. (230d-230e) 

It is a form of education, aimed – as Socrates says at the close of the Apology – at making us as good as possible. The concern of Socrates (i.e. Plato) is aretē (virtue, quality, excellence), and how one should live a good life. To be virtuous, and good, it is necessary to know what virtue and goodness are: therefore the critical self-examination provoked by the elenchus is a means to moral improvement. 

Approaching the ideal


Since the search for truth or knowledge is inextricable from a concept’s relation to its object, it becomes metaphysical, i.e. dialectic is not a mere abstract method but an attempt to understand how the world is. It is built upon the tension between our concepts and the things they attempt to describe – between thought and matter. 

The Socratic method can be applied to any subject, but Plato values dialectic as an inquiry into eternal and unchanging universal ‘Ideas’ – his theory of Forms, which was his (unconvincing) attempt to understand the tension between universals and particulars. For Plato, what is really true is not the sensible world (i.e. sense-able, discovered through the senses, which is merely a shadowy copy), but the ‘intelligible’ world (i.e. discovered through the intellect, which can be apprehended only by reflection). A particular flower in our world is a transitory copy of an eternal flower that never fades. This theory of Forms is an attempt to explain universals: to explain what all instances of a category (all chairs, all cats, etc) have in common. If we can discover the Form, we will have found both the definition of that concept, and the cause of its instances. 

Elenchus makes us aware of the difference between opinion (obtained by the senses) and truth (obtained by reason), and dialectic is an attempt to rise beyond the former to the latter. In Diotima’s speech in the Symposium, Plato depicts the approach to truth as a ladder, whereby the philosopher gradually rises step by step from the lower illusory world to the higher transcendent world: towards the absolute eternal first principle, namely the Beautiful, or the Good, which guarantees the truth of all we can know. 

This is why Adorno comments: 

Platonic dialectic is a doctrine which enables us to order our concepts correctly, to ascend from the concrete to the level of the highest and most universal. [10]

Once we have clarity of concepts, we can ascend, as laid out by Diotima, from the everyday level of the world to the (for Plato) transcendent level of the universal. 

This is laid out clearly in Book VII of the Republic. Socrates opens with the famous image of the cave, in which the visible realm of sense and opinion is likened to a prison in which we see only shadows that we mistake for the sole reality, and the intelligible realm of intellect and truth is the dazzling world revealed by philosophy to those who make the ‘ascent’ out of the cave. He introduces the sun as a metaphor for the form of the Good (‘the brightest thing that is’): 

In the knowable realm, the form of the good is the last thing to be seen, and it is reached only with difficulty. Once one has seen it, however, one must conclude that it is the cause of all that is correct and beautiful in anything, that it produces both light and its source in the visible realm, and that in the intelligible realm it controls and provides truth and understanding. (517b-c) 

Education turns us away from the cave and directs our mind towards its appropriate object, the light of the Good. People who have seen this light should self-sacrificingly return to the common life in the shadows as they will ‘see vastly better than the people there’, like ‘people who are awake rather than dreaming’, and by virtue of their greater education, understanding and grasp of the truth should ‘guard and care for the others’ – Plato’s ideal city would be governed by philosophers. 

The path to attaining this ascent, says Socrates, requires the study of mathematics, geometry and astronomy (which deal with things that are always true, and thus draw the soul upwards towards truth). Yet there remains another, even more important component, namely dialectic: 

whenever someone tries through argument and apart from all sense perceptions to find the being itself of each thing and doesn’t give up until he grasps the good itself with understanding itself, he reaches the end of the intelligible. (532a) 

Forms are essential causes of things, and the dialectician seeks to know the Forms as first principles. Dialectic has the power ‘to awaken the best part of the soul and lead it upward to the study of the best among the things that are’ (532c). It can reveal this ultimate truth only to someone who has studied maths, geometry and astronomy, but those subjects are insufficient in themselves, as one must also be able to challenge and define the concepts they deploy. The dialectician is able to ‘give an account of the being of each thing’ (534b) and aims to give an account of the Good that can survive all refutation. Thus Socrates describes dialectic as placed ‘at the top of the other subjects like a coping stone and… no other subject can rightly be placed above it’ (534e). 

Plato wants to establish a first principle, and then proceed from this principle to make other claims. Socrates describes the figures made and drawn by geometers as mere images or ‘hypotheses’, distinct from the underlying abstract concepts they take after. Reason, by the power of dialectic, 

does not consider these hypotheses as first principles but truly as hypotheses – but as stepping stones to take off from, enabling it to reach the unhypothetical first principle of everything. Having grasped this principle, it reverses itself and, keeping hold of what follows from it, comes down to a conclusion without making use of anything visible at all, but only of forms themselves, moving on from forms to forms, and ending in forms. (Book 6, 511b-c) 

Dialectic therefore is an abstract philosophical inquiry. Nikulin concludes that ‘Plato portrays dialectic as capable of obtaining true knowledge and establishing science: dialectic becomes the pattern of strict reasoning.’ Though this isn’t science as we know it today: it is truth attained by thought rather than empirical experimentation. The exact process by which this leads to truth is left vague, and Plato seems to assume it’s inevitable that studying the Good will make the philosopher good too. But in the Republic, dialectic is the centre-point of the education of philosopher-kings. 

Of course, aporia confronts us with dialectic’s repeated failure to achieve this sort of clarity. It’s possible that dialectic will not be enough to get us close to the Truth. Will dialectic always lead to a correct definition? Is it able to produce a definition so robust that it can no longer be refuted? Plato gives no clear answer. It seems clear that for him, we will not attain truth without dialectic to clarify our thought. However, if dialectic can refute any claim we can propose, it would follow that the search for knowledge is futile, and the dialectician becomes a mere Sophist, or sceptic – negatively questioning and undermining everything, or deliberately arguing from the opposing side, so that nothing can ever be proven. (Philosophy does feel that way sometimes.) This Plato certainly does not want. 

Later conceptions


Perhaps to escape the spectre of scepticism, in Plato’s later dialogues the elements of elenchus and aporia lose importance, and we find new perspectives on dialectics. He drops the combative, ironical elenchus with its emphasis on refutation and becomes more interested in putting forth a positive position. Thus his dialectic shifts away from interrogative conversations and towards a kind of logical thinking. 

One perspective emphasises a double process of collection and division. Socrates expounds this two-step process simply enough in the Phaedrus

The first consists in seeing together things that are scattered about everywhere and collecting them into one kind, so that by defining each thing we can make clear the subject of any instruction we wish to give. (265d) 

Another includes one of Plato’s most famous images: 

This, in turn, is to be able to cut up each kind according to its species along its natural joints, and to try not to splinter any part, as a bad butcher might do. In just this way, our two speeches placed all mental derangements into one common kind. (265e) 

Socrates goes on to define the dialectician as someone who is ‘capable of discerning a single thing that is also by nature capable of encompassing many’ (266b). He says he follows such a person like a god, which gives an idea of the esteem he accords them. 

This is really about the relationships between ideas. To examine a question, we 1) gather together the things that belong under a concept to find a definition they have in common that matches naturally to the generic form of the thing (highest universal concept), and 2) divide it properly into its parts (lower, particular concepts). Another way of thinking of it is collecting the things that belong to a genus, then dividing the genus into its species. As Socrates sums it up: 

You must know the truth concerning everything you are speaking or writing about; you must learn how to define each thing in itself; and, having defined it, you must know how to divide it into kinds until you reach something indivisible. (277b) 

Thus if dialectic can help us to clarify concepts, it can also help us to organise them. This must not be achieved, as Adorno observes, ‘in a coercive way’, i.e. by forcing a philosophical scheme of our own upon the things our concepts try to describe. Rather, the dialectician ‘carves nature at its joints’, as it’s often paraphrased: we should try to match our conceptual thought to the given objects we encounter in the world. Dialectic for Plato is not a purely abstract construct but should map onto reality. 

It is we human beings who define and impose concepts on the things of the world. As Adorno notes, it is important that our concepts ‘properly express what it is they grasp’. The opposition or contradiction between thought and being/nature throws up problems; we must therefore constantly reflect upon how our conceptual thinking relates to its objects. This for Adorno is the ‘vital nerve of dialectical thinking’: the tension between thought and the objects it tries to comprehend. 

Where we find continuity with the earlier dialogues is that collection/division or genus/species is a proposal for providing the sort of rigorous answers that elenchus is largely unsuccessful in hunting down. 

Talmud


A similar method of adversarial conversation is used in the Jewish Talmud, a collection of rabbinic commentaries written across hundreds of years. These follow a principle known as ifcha mistabra – Aramaic for ‘the opposite conjecture’ – that says the opposite point of view might make more sense. Positions are contradicted and opposing positions put forward: by this give-and-take a better understanding is attained. This isn’t the same as in ancient Greek philosophy: the Talmud is concerned with concrete laws and cases, not abstractions (though Plato would say he’s seeking how things really are), and its dialectic is less formal and more open-ended. But it has the same spirit of adversarial intellectual engagement and not taking meanings for granted. 

Conclusion


To have absolute knowledge is to be a god. We can never obtain full knowledge of anything; this is simply a part of the human condition. Dialectic is one of the techniques humans have developed to try to overcome our ungodlike limitations by imposing a step-by-step (i.e. ‘discursive’) system on our fumbling attempts to understand what is, and why it is. 

If we frame Plato’s version of dialectic as two people with viewpoints in contradiction that result in a new, more advanced viewpoint, we can see an anticipation of the Hegelian dialectic. However this subjection of beliefs to rational examination is different to dialectics as it came to be thought in the wake of Hegel and Marx, when it became a structure not only of thought but of the world itself. Platonic dialectics can be seen as a means of approaching a reified absolute fixed value that exists beyond the material world, which from the point of view of later dialecticians may look un-dialectical as it has change and contradiction blasted out of it. Later dialecticians like Adorno stressed that since things are in fact constantly changing, our thinking of them must also change. 

Another criticism is that Plato’s dialogues are artificial constructions that flatten the range of possibilities. What I mean by this is that a real conversation – such as the oral dialectic practiced by the historical Socrates – could flower in a multitude of ways, but Plato shows us one conversation that proceeds in one direction heavily structured by Socrates’ leading questions. When rendered as a written text, a dialogue that in real life would be free-flowing and unpredictable becomes flattened and fixed, and other paths it might have taken, such as more robust or creative replies by Socrates’ interlocutors, are erased. Plato shows in the Phaedrus that he was aware of limitations of this sort:

You’d think [writings] were speaking as if they had some understanding, but if you question anything that has been said because you want to learn more, it continues to signify just that very same thing forever. (275e) 

A written text can be read and misinterpreted by anyone who can get a copy, and unlike a person it cannot answer questions or defend itself. By articulating his philosophy through fictional conversations rather than speaking directly, Plato takes a step back, presenting us with opinions for debate rather than dictats; it is hard to say to what extent Socrates speaks for him. Nonetheless, in the dialogues the apparently logical outcome has been stage-managed. Plato wants to steer our thought in a certain direction: e.g. to seeking ideal Forms. The method is more vibrant when conducted between real antagonists (like in a Socratic circle). As Plato observes, what matters most is the ‘living, breathing discourse of the man who knows, of which the written one can be fairly called a [mere] image’ (276a). Dialectic conducted by one author or thinker loses the ‘other’ that is indispensable for true dialogue. 

More positively however, as Fiona Leigh has pointed out [11], the literary form of dialogue – the staging of opposing voices – encourages the reader to critically examine what is being said, and not said. If Plato had wanted to write didactic treatises in a single, authoritative voice, he could have done so. But he was aware that few if any conclusions are indefeasible, i.e. immune to being overturned. Although a written dialogue has limitations, the conversation continues afterward – unflattened, unfixed – in the mind of the reader. The number of competing interpretations of the dialogues offered by a mountain of Plato scholarship proves this. Each reader must compare the dialogue’s claims with his or her own, seek contradictions, and weigh up possible solutions. This is how, Leigh argues, Plato’s work practices maieutics: it brings us to the point where we, the reader, are able to ‘give birth’. 

We may see the Platonic dialectic as an honest project to ensure clear thinking, to achieve that ‘disciplined form of thought’, by rigorously testing whether we know the truth about the things we talk about. Dialectics would never lose this role, right to the present day. As Leigh puts it: 

Plato provides a model of inquiry designed to indirectly instruct the reader in active learning, critical thinking and active open-mindedness, by stimulating the reader to engage in these modes of thought.

Unless we question our assumptions and concepts, our knowledge stands still. If we question them and discover contradictions, we have more knowledge than before – the interrogative, clarifying process of dialectic enables us to make forward steps toward the ever-elusive truth.



Footnotes

[1] See David M. Timmerman and Edward Schiappa, Classical Greek Rhetorical Theory and the Disciplining of Discourse (2010), p36.
[2] David Roochnik, Beautiful City (2003), p133.
[3] Robert Burch, ‘Dialectic’, English Studies in Canada Volume 30, Issue 4, December 2004.
[4] Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers, Book III
[5] Dmitri Nikulin, Dialectic and Dialogue (2010), p2.
[6] See Gary Alan Scott (ed.), Does Socrates Have a Method: Rethinking the Elenchus in Plato’s Dialogues and Beyond (2002), Chapter 1.
[7] Fiona Leigh, ‘Platonic Dialogue, Maieutic Method and Critical Thinking’ (2007).
[8] Theodor Adorno, An Introduction to Dialectics (2010), lecture 1.
[9] Richard Robinson, Plato’s Earlier Dialectic (1953).
[10] Adorno, op. cit.
[11] Fiona Leigh, op. cit. 

Saturday, 21 March 2020

Dialectics, part 2: Heraclitus

Heraclitus
Imaginary portrait of Heraclitus looking
characteristically gloomy. Artist unknown

The ancient biographer Diogenes Laertius reports (Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers, Book IX, Chapter 5) that Aristotle says that the inventor of dialectic was the pre-Socratic philosopher Zeno of Elea. This may mean Zeno was the first to write dialogues; or Aristotle may have been thinking of Zeno’s paradoxes, which aim to refute the opposing position by presenting it as leading to absurd and therefore unacceptable consequences. 

A stronger candidate for the founder of the tradition however would be another pre-Socratic philosopher, born before Zeno, whom we know in English as Heraclitus (Greek Ἡράκλειτος, which transliterates as Hērákleitos but I’ll stick to the conventional rendering here). He came from Ephesus, a major Ionian Greek trading city in Asia Minor. Diogenes dates his floruit to the 69th Olympiad, namely 504-1 BCE (late 6th century),[1] and references by Heraclitus himself corroborate this dating, making him roughly contemporary with the playwright Aeschylus, the poet Pindar, and the philosophers Pythagoras and Xenophanes, but prior to the births of Socrates and Plato. 

We know very little about him. Ancient commentators are not always reliable, and even Diogenes was writing in the 3rd century CE, several hundred years later. However, according to him (citing a lost work by Antisthenes), Heraclitus renounced a claim to kingship in Ephesus in favour of his brother, which if true indicates that he was a high-ranking member of the aristocracy. Legend has it that he separated himself from society to practice philosophy in the mountains and was given to melancholy, but this may be apocryphal, fabricated from things he said. Certainly in the fragments he can be scathing about fellow philosophers and of his fellow humans generally, regarding them as ‘uncomprehending’ and ‘asleep’. We needn’t agree with the many commentators who take this for misanthropy: Heraclitus’s primary concern is the nature and place of humankind, and its tragic ignorance in the face of truth. He wants to offer his fellow humans a better way of understanding the world. 

From 547 BCE to the mid-5th century BCE, Ephesus was under Persian rule. It lies just 25 miles north of Miletus – the birthplace of a new paradigm of philosophy and science through his percursors Thales, Anaximander and Anaximenes, who together represent the Milesian school. Heraclitus was of course conversant with the intellectual life of his time and refers to a few figures by name, usually disapprovingly, such as Pythagoras and Xenophanes. 

Although his work has only survived in fragments, Heraclitus seems to have attempted a systematic philosophy: of a world whose truth and unity is hidden, driven by opposition (a unity or coincidence of opposites) and transformation (constant change). The complexity and profundity of Heraclitus’s thought makes him one of the most interesting early Greek philosophers (and one of my intellectual heroes). He exerted an enormous influence on philosophers ancient and modern, from Plato and the Stoics to Hegel, who asserted: ‘There is no proposition of Heraclitus which I have not adopted in my Logic.’[2] It is reasonable to describe him as a ‘process’ philosopher, i.e. one who holds that all is process and change. For my part, I regard him as the effective founder of dialectics, and it’s mostly in that light that I will consider him here, rather than being detained by his cosmology, politics or ethics. 

Surviving texts

Heraclitus seems to have written one (probably short) work, possibly known as On Nature, which according to Diogenes was placed in the Temple of Artemis in Ephesus – where the general public, incidentally, would have had no access to it.[3] He probably didn’t only write a book – he would have communicated ideas orally too, but that of course is irrecoverable. Like all ancient Greek writings, the original manuscript, along with any copies that were made, is long lost. What survives of his work is about 130 fragments that were preserved in citations – themselves lucky to have survived – by other, later (sometimes much later) writers. These include Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, Plutarch, the Christians Clement and Hippolytus, and the 5th century CE compiler John Stobaeus. If you find this frustrating, it is considerably more text than we have for Heraclitus’s predecessors. 

The standard system for referencing his work, as for all pre-Socratic philosophers, is based on the collection Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker (The Fragments of the Pre-Socratics), by the German classical scholar Hermann Alexander Diels. First published in 1903, this was expanded a few times by Diels himself and then in two further editions by the German philologist Walther Kranz (final edition 1952), giving us the Diels-Kranz referencing used in academia. To illustrate the DK system, the fragment 

Men who love wisdom must be good inquirers into many things indeed.

is referred to as 22B35: where ‘22’ refers to the philosopher (here Heraclitus), ‘B’ refers to the nature of the fragment, whether a summary or ‘testimony’ by someone else (A), a direct quote (B), or a reputed paraphrase (C), and the ‘35’ refers to the particular fragment. A complete English translation of all the fragments can be found in Kathleen Freeman’s Ancilla to the Pre-Socratic Philosophers [4] (‘ancilla’ here means an aid to understanding or handbook). For this article I will reference them using their last DK number (so I’d call the one above ‘DK35’). 

All the pre-Socratic philosophers come to us in fragments, but from the pithy nature of his sayings, it seems Heraclitus deliberately wrote in that form – G.S. Kirk suggested there was no book, just ‘isolated statements’.[5] Diels too viewed H’s works as essentially aphoristic – in the Fragmente he presents them effectively randomly rather than presuming to organise them. However Diogenes describes Heraclitus’s book as a ‘continuous treatise’, which suggests it was more than a string of aphorisms. This makes it hard to know how to present the fragments: if we present them randomly, we suggest Heraclitus wasn’t a systematic thinker, whereas he actually presents what the scholar Charles Kahn described as ‘a fully articulated vision of the world’ [6] and was perhaps the first to do so. It does an injustice to his obvious literary artistry to suggest he would compose individual sentences with such care yet be indifferent to how they sit together in his book – as Kahn observes, ‘Heraclitus is not merely a philosopher but a poet as well’ – particularly given his preoccupation with unity. Thus Kahn and others have attempted to arrange the fragments into a meaningful order based on their content. 

There are several English translations available. We have already mentioned Freeman (1948). Others include H.W.S. Jones (Loeb, 1931), Philip Wheelwright (1959), Guy Davenport (1976), and the aforementioned Charles Kahn (1979). Then there’s Fragments by Heraclitus by Brooks Haxton (2003), a poet who presents the fragments as free verse. When you compare Kahn’s

Although all things come to pass in accordance with this account

with Haxton’s

Yet all things follow from the Word

…the poetic simplicity of the latter is preferable to my taste. But that doesn’t mean it represents Heraclitus better, and the book isn’t a very scholarly edition with a poor foreword. For this article I will use Kahn’s translations unless I indicate differently. 

Diogenes Laertius repeats the view found in several ancient commentators that Heraclitus’s work was ‘obscure’ or ‘mysterious’: the epithet σκοτεινός  (skoteinós). And yes, his style is paradoxical, using wordplay and deliberately ambiguous syntax (as noted by Aristotle)[7], and is thus open to contrasting interpretations. Heraclitus surely has his own style in mind when he remarks that the Delphic oracle ‘neither declares nor conceals, but gives a sign’ (DK93). This oracular style distances him from the reader, but his impenetrability is much exaggerated, and to accuse him of being deliberately obfuscating is to miss the point. There is a reason for employing ambiguity, as we’ll see – Hegel was unfair when he accused Heraclitus of mere sloppiness, but hit the mark when he noted, ‘The obscurity of this philosophy, however, chiefly consists in there being profound speculative thought contained in it.’[8] The truth is not easy for mere humans to find. The strength of Heraclitus’s ambiguity is that it lets him say several things at once. The disadvantage is that it is easy for others to impose their own interpretations onto it. He has even been interpreted as the first postmodernist, possessing a ‘deconstructive mind’.[9] Of course, all interpretations are located in a particular historical perspective, and a timeless vantage point is unattainable, as is a final, definitively correct account. But this doesn’t mean all interpretations have equal worth.

Logos

We must begin with one of Heraclitus’s key ideas – the logos (λόγος) . This is where we get the English suffix -ology from: thus ‘psychology’ is the ‘account of the soul/mind’ (psyche). Aristotle tells us Heraclitus puts this concept at the opening of his book:

Although this account [logos] holds forever, men ever fail to comprehend, both before hearing it and once they have heard. (DK1)

The polysemous term logos can be interpreted and translated in many ways, though we must take care not to read connotations into the fragments – such as the Logos as Word of God from John’s Gospel – which post-date Heraclitus by centuries.[10] It is a verbal noun, that is, it is derived from the ancient Greek verb legein (λέγειν) which can mean ‘to say (something significant)’, ‘to gather’ or ‘to count’. In context, logos can mean utterance/word/saying, reckoning/enumeration, account/narration, even proportion or ratio, depending on the context. Greek philosophers posed it as rational, significant discourse, as opposed to mere mythic discourse. This abundance of meanings gives the word logos flexibility and power, and as a wordsmith Heraclitus could have several of them in mind at once, or use different meanings in different sentences. The utterance or account Heraclitus refers to in his opening lines could in one sense mean his own book – an acknowledgment that its opacity means that people won’t understand him even after they’ve read or heard his words. 

The term’s primary sense for him seems to be a kind of ordering or structuring of the cosmos, a principle that is eternal and total:

This account [logos] holds forever… all things come to pass in accordance with this account. (DK1)

It is wise, listening not to me but to the report [logos], to agree that all things are one. (DK50)

From all things one and from one thing all. (DK10)

Heraclitus seems to be saying that everything that exists is a single whole or unity, yet also is made of many things. The logos is the account of everything that is. He also remarks:

To the soul [psyche] belongs a report [logos] that increases itself. (DK115)

Here logos is particular to a living being. The soul has its own process of growth within it, driven by a rational principle that can be discovered and understood. The connotations in the Greek of speech, discourse and reason show that logos is not just a material principle of the cosmos but includes human thought and discourse (hence Hegel’s interest in Heraclitus as the originator of what he called the Idea). Everything we think and do depends upon it. This association of thinking with logos is clear in remarks like this:

Although the account [logos] is shared, most men live as though their thinking were a private possession. (DK2)

…which makes a distinction between thinking privately and thinking in common in accordance with the logos. We may conclude that for Heraclitus there is, as Kahn notes, an ‘identity of structure between the inner, personal world of the psyche and the larger natural order of the universe’[11].

In this fragment we can see how Heraclitus contends that people realise neither the existence of this logos nor their place within this unity. They are involved in it, but tragically distanced from it by ignorance. To understand the world, we must grasp the relationships between the parts, and of the parts and the whole to each other. A person restricted to their own limited thoughts and experience is like someone asleep:

Although all things come to pass in accordance with this account, men are like the untried [inexperienced] when they try such words and works as I set forth, distinguishing each according to its nature and telling how it is. But other men are oblivious of what they do awake, just as they are forgetful of what they do asleep. (DK1)

Someone who is asleep is partaking of an unreal private world, not understanding the shared, actually existing world: he or she is ‘absent while present’ (DK34). Even highly erudite people, says Heraclitus, do not necessarily have philosophical insight: 

Much learning does not teach understanding. For it would have taught Hesiod and Pythagoras, and also Xenophanes and Hecataeus. (DK40) 

As the SEP points out, Heraclitus stresses that ‘the message is not his own invention, but a timeless truth available to any who attend to the way the world itself is’ – the logos exists independently and Heraclitus is just trying to explain it. He uses paradoxical language not out of mischief but because it’s appropriate to a reality that is itself complex and paradoxical. To make simple assertions would be to pretend to greater knowledge than Heraclitus or other human beings can claim to have, given our mortal limitations. As we struggle with the text to make sense of his meaning, we strengthen our prowess in those two aspects of logos, reason and language, which might bring us closer to understanding logos as whole.

Heraclitus admits that understanding how the world works is difficult:

Nature loves to hide. (DK123)

Men are deceived in the recognition of what is obvious. (DK56)

The world is not as it appears on the surface – it takes effort, and philosophy, to look beneath appearances and grasp the actual forces at work. However, the logos can be understood. Heraclitus advises

distinguishing each according to its nature and telling how it is (DK2)

because

it belongs to all men to know themselves and to think well. (DK116)

The logos then is multiple things: 1) the discourse of Heraclitus himself, 2) the structure of human language and of human thought, 3) the principle guiding all things. The logos will continue forever whether humans understand it or not. However, the best of us can learn to understand how the world works, if we learn from the insights shared by Heraclitus. Perhaps then we can achieve our goal:

Thinking well is the greatest excellence and wisdom: to act and speak what is true, perceiving things according to their nature. (DK112)

Change

This world is active and dynamic. Observing that things change is no great achievement, but explaining why and how it happens requires analysis. Heraclitus has often been posed as a kind of antithesis of Parmenides and the Eleatic school, whose claim that nothing changes at all is posed against the Heraclitean claim that things change all the time: stasis vs flux. 

Heraclitus’s most famous remark on this world of change uses the image of stepping into a river. There are three river fragments:

As they step into the same rivers, other and still other waters flow upon them. (DK12)

In the same river, we both step and do not step. (DK49a, transl Freeman)

One cannot step twice into the same river. (DK91)

The first is from Cleanthes via Arius Didimus via Eusebius. The second is from Homeric Questions by Heraclitus (a 1st century CE namesake). The third is a citation by Plutarch. 

These fragments are often cited as evidence of what’s known as the doctrine of flux: that everything is constantly changing and nothing is stable. This is a widespread interpretation of Heraclitus, described for example by Jonathan Barnes in his book The Presocratic Philosophers (1979, revised 1982). It is first found in Plato:

Heraclitus… says that all things pass and nothing stays [or ‘everything flows and nothing abides’], and comparing existing things to the flow of a river, he says you could not step twice into the same river. (Plato Cratylus 402a)[12] 

If Heraclitus says ‘everything flows’ (πάντα ῥεῖ or panta rhei), and has some view of the universe as being in flux, how far should we apply this principle? 

G.S. Kirk claimed that ‘the constancy of change is not an idea Heraclitus particularly stressed’.[13] For Kirk, Heraclitus is not commenting on constant change in all things but on a regularity of change in a particular entity or pairing. On the other hand, the extreme reading, derived from Plato’s Theaetetus and passed on through Aristotle in his Metaphysics, is that Heraclitus makes knowledge impossible because things are ‘in all ways and entirely changeable’ (Aristotle) and are therefore so unstable that they cannot be said to exist from one moment to the next, and in the absence of stable entities nothing can be said about them: open your mouth and they are already gone. Language itself dissolves. Cratylus therefore ‘criticised Heraclitus for saying that one cannot enter the same river twice, for he himself held that it cannot be done even once’! [14] 

The objection is that the doctrine of flux contradicts two key laws of logic: 

  • The law of identity says that something has an identity, i.e. it is what it is, and not what it is not.
  • The law of non-contradiction adds that something cannot be itself and not-itself at the same time. E.g. if you’re tall, you can’t also be not-tall.

Heraclitus doesn’t say so in as many words, because these were formulated later by Aristotle in the 4th century BCE. But the implication is there, say the critics. Furthermore, fragments like ‘asses prefer garbage to gold’ (DK9) can (if one chooses) be interpreted as relativistic, pessimistic comments on the impossibility of certain knowledge: gold is valuable to humans, but worthless to asses, so who can say which is right? Thus we can have no stable entities, no knowledge, no unity. 

But this ‘strong’ flux reading is incorrect. First of all, Heraclitus places epistemological value upon the evidence of the senses:

Whatever comes from sight, hearing, learning from experience: this I prefer. (DK55)

This preference for the evidence of the senses would be a waste of time if he thought the senses told us nothing valid. Secondly, Heraclitus values knowledge, or wisdom. He thinks wisdom is

to act and speak what is true, perceiving things according to their nature. (DK112)

This is not the statement of a sceptic who denies the possibility of knowledge. For Heraclitus, people do receive information about the world – the problem is that they are so often unable to understand it. When he says

much learning does not teach understanding (DK40)

he is lamenting the inability of most people (including Greek intellectuals) to achieve wisdom simply from polymathy or accumulating facts. This is why Heraclitus writes in a Delphic style that requires work from the reader. As the SEP puts it, ‘he offers his readers materials for understanding and lets them educate themselves.’

As for objects not remaining stable: in the fragment ‘the sun is new every day’ (DK6), the sun changes, but it remains the sun from one day to the next. To return to the three river fragments above: the third fragment may well be merely a misremembering of the first, and in fact contradicts it; the second says we can step into the same river then confusingly says we can’t. It is the first fragment, DK12, that reads like an authentic text by Heraclitus in characteristically dense language, and that one says it is possible to step into the same river twice. Heraclitus is making a weaker claim: he is not saying that there is no constant object – no river – but only that the object is constantly changing. One steps into the same river, just not the same waters. Indeed, the choice of a river is very apt since a river is a body of water that by its nature (unlike for example a pond or lake) is moving or flowing. If it did not flow, it would not even be a river. 

Thus Heraclitus is not, as James Hillman claims, a relativist who thinks nothing is stable and everyone has their own truth. ‘Everything flows’ in some respects, not all respects. The river fragments therefore should not be isolated from the fragments as a whole. 

But Heraclitus has a more profound point to make. We may compare the river fragments to fragment DK125 about the kykeon drink, a mixture of wine, barley, and cheese: 

Even the potion separates unless it is stirred.

The drink, like the river, only exists through movement: change is essential to its identity, its very existence. Heraclitus is saying that change or flux does not cancel constancy, in fact it is a condition of it: the two are in a necessary, if apparently paradoxical, relation. An object remains itself only by changing. Stop stirring and the potion separates; stop the waters and a river is just a very long lake. Thus Heraclitus says ‘the world ever was and is and will be’ (i.e. it is constant, permanent) and at the same time equates it to ‘fire’ that is ‘ever-living’ yet kindled and extinguished in a cycle (i.e. an element that is permanent yet constantly changing as part of its nature) (DK30). Similarly when he asserts god is ‘day and night, winter and summer, war and peace, satiety and hunger’ (DK67) – there is a divine unity within which these opposites operate and which is predicated upon them. Stability is created by change; or, unity is created by opposition. 

This leads us to the next doctrine.

Unity of opposites

Heraclitus’s doctrine of the unity of opposites was not entirely original: there are precursors to his view in the Milesian natural philosophers, who also noticed that things were in motion, and interpreted natural phenomena in terms of opposing forces. Anaximander saw the world in terms of competing opposites – hot/cold, wet/dry, male/female – sometimes one of a pair is dominant, sometimes the other, in a relationship of ebb and flow. His one surviving quotation (incidentally these are, as Jonathan Barnes points out, literally ‘the earliest surviving words of Western philosophy’[15]) tells us:

The things from which existing things come into being are also the things into which they are destroyed, in accordance with what must be. For they give justice and reparation to one another for their injustice in accordance with the arrangement of time.

Anaximander concluded that since these elements were opposing, none was more basic than the others, and thus posited the basic stuff of the universe to be something else, an undefinable principle he called the apeiron

Heraclitus seems to have adopted the Milesian view of an ordered cosmos marked by the transformation of opposite elements. The principle can be illustrated by several of his fragments, e.g.:

Cold warms up, warm cools off, moist parches, dry dampens. (DK126)

One of the most famous is this apparent paradox:

The sea is the purest and foulest water: for fish drinkable and life-sustaining; for men undrinkable and deadly. (DK61)

Sea-water, says Heraclitus, is both pure and foul. How can it be both at the same time? Surely that is contradictory? But he explains: for fish it is drinkable (pure), for humans it is undrinkable (foul), i.e. it is not a paradox at all. Both properties exist in sea-water at the same time. Similarly, Heraclitus was fond of making analogies from waking and sleeping: these are two different states we have as part of our nature, and we flip from one to the other and back again. 

The same...: living and dead, and the waking and the sleeping, and young and old. For these transposed are those, and those transposed again are these. (DK88)

Pure and foul, waking and sleeping, young and old, are opposites that cannot pertain at the same time – there is not identity of opposites (they are not identical), and thus no violation of what Aristotle would later formulate as the Principle of Non-Contradiction. Opposites can both exist within one object, under different conditions or perspectives. Purity for fish, pollution for humans; waking during the day, sleeping during the night. Similarly with ‘The way up and down is one and the same’ (DK60) too there is no contradiction: the road is constant, simultaneously both a way up and a way down, but whether it is up or down on a given occasion depends on a person travelling upon it: the person is either going up or down, not both simultaneously. So there is a system of exchanges between equivalent states. When Heraclitus says that wet becomes dry, and dry becomes wet in DK126 he is talking about two different states, ‘wet’ and ‘dry’. One cannot become the other if they are already the same thing; neither means anything without the other. If everything was always wet, the concept ‘wet’ would be redundant; there has to be an opposite state of ‘dry’ for ‘wet’ to mean anything, and vice versa. 

Therefore we talk not of an identity of opposites but of a unity of opposites, in a kind of necessary relationship. 

As we’ve touched upon already, the universe (kosmos) is constant (‘everliving’, DK30) and is conserved, but at the same time there is a process within it of continual transformation – like the river whose flow is a necessary part of what it is. Thus in several fragments Heraclitus notes the ubiquity of conflict

War is father of all and king of all; and some he has shown as gods, others men; some he has made slaves, others free. (DK53)

One must realise that war [polemos] is shared [or common] and conflict is Justice, and that all things come to pass... in accordance with conflict. (DK80) 

All beasts are driven by blows. (DK11)

To say that ‘all things come to pass in accordance with conflict’ is to say that conflict or tension between opposing forces is what makes the world, in all its dynamism and variety, possible. To say that ‘conflict is justice’ is to say that justice’s very existence arises from, is predicated upon, conflict. 

There would be no attunement [or harmony] without high and low notes nor any animals without male and female, both of which are opposites. (DKA22)

To create harmony, we need high and low notes; to beget children, we need male and female. We could extend this to other opposites. 

It is disease that makes health sweet and good, hunger satiety, weariness rest. (DK111)

In this fragment Heraclitus points out how qualities or experiences take their meaning from their opposites: knowledge of disease for example makes us value our good health all the more, and in fact gives the very concept of ‘good’ health meaning; it’s only ‘good’ because it’s also possible for our health to be ‘bad’. As Kahn observes, ‘in an opposed pair, the negative term, as defined by human needs and desires, is never wholly negative.’[16] The belief that something can be wholly negative or wholly positive is a human misunderstanding of a reality that actually requires us to grasp its two-sidedness and tensions. 

In more subtle example Heraclitus says:

They do not comprehend how a thing agrees at variance with itself; it is an attunement turning back on itself, like that of the bow and the lyre. (DK51)

This seems paradoxical: how can an object differ/be at variance and yet agree? In the bow (i.e. the weapon) and lyre, two things happen at once: a turning or tending away, a differing, yet at the same time an agreement. In order to realise itself, to function as the thing it is, a bow or lyre must have its strings stretched into tension. Again, conflict, tension, is part of the nature of things and results in a harmony or unity.  

Heraclitus thinks this truth is not always obvious: ‘the hidden attunement is better than the obvious one’ (DK54). If we wish to be wise and understand the world, we must recognise contradictions hidden beneath the surface. DK53 tells us that war shows some as gods, some as men – conflict reveals to us the state of things, if we are able to see it. 

As we’ve seen, it would be misleading to ascribe to Heraclitus a theory of ‘universal flux’, because on his account flux is not universal. Rather, the universe is stable and ‘measures’ or portions of it are in flux. He thinks there is a movement or transformation of elements into each other, as in fragment DK91:

wholes and not wholes, convergent divergent, consonant dissonant, from all things one and from one thing all.

This is reminiscent of the philosophy of Anaximander. The Anaximander fragment (already quoted) seems to be saying that the different substances separating off from the basic stuff or apeiron generate and destroy each other, and in the long term balance out to restore ‘justice’. Every so often the pendulum swings out of balance and some kind of natural law puts it back. The ‘arrangement of time’ implies that this happens according to a cycle: a popular idea in ancient Greece which is also found in Hesiod for example.

Similarly, Heraclitus’s unity of opposites is built upon a reciprocal movement: night follows day and then day follows night, creating an opposite of two states, day and night, which seem in contrast but in fact are in unity. Neither makes any sense without the other. They must however – in a parallel with Greek ethics – be kept in some kind of moderation or balance: too much summer or too much winter and the harvest will fail. 

How are things kept in balance for Heraclitus?

The sun will not transgress his measures; otherwise the Furies, ministers of Justice, will find him out. (DK94)

The sun cannot step outside its proper measures because the Furies (aka Eumenides or Eurinyes), the servants of the goddess Dike (Justice), will come after him. There is a divine order keeping things in balance. Heraclitus writes, in a metaphor taken from navigation:

The thunderbolt pilots [or steers] all things. (DK64)

He also says:

The wise is one, knowing the plan by which it steers all things through all. (DK41)

Human nature has no set purpose, but the divine has. (DK78)

There is a guiding power, evoking both fire and the divine through the lightning bolt (an image associated with the god Zeus), for ‘all things’. This ‘purpose’ brings rational order to the universe. We should note that in DK30 Heraclitus also says that ‘no god nor man has made’ the cosmos – i.e. on this ancient Greek worldview there was not a single creator god who brought everything into being, and in some sense the cosmos is independent of the gods that steer it. Heraclitus says a bit more about the precise role of the god (singular):

The god: day and night, winter and summer, war and peace, satiety and hunger. (DK67)

In this fragment, this steering, divine power represents in some way the unity of opposites. Heraclitus associates this cosmic process – this steered, reciprocal movement – with the logos:

Sea pours out from earth, and it measures up to the same amount [logos] it was before becoming earth. (DK31)

The logos here is measuring and structuring the transformations in the world, which implies it is in some sense associated with the divine that also does this (which in turn implies that human thought, which is also part of logos, also partakes of divinity). But Edwin L. Minar sounds a note of warning about deifying logos:

Heraclitus speaks of a power which pilots the world, and the logos has been thought to be simply equivalent to this. Sometimes, Heraclitus seems to identify it loosely with the gods and to attribute to it some of the elements of personality. It is dangerous however to overemphasise this fact, because Heraclitus was much more interested in the philosophy of natural process than in theology as such. His expressions about the gods and the divine are in part rationalistic and opposed to the spirit of traditional religious conceptions, in part poetic and general, clothing in theological language ideas which are in essence entirely secular. Thus the power which pilots the world cannot be identified one for one with the logos.[17]

For the later Stoics, much influenced by Heraclitean thought, the logos was a divine reason ordering the cosmos. Minar argues it is not at all certain that Heraclitus intended the same: rather, he was more interested in the Pythagorean idea of proportionality, harmony and rhythm, working through the conflict and unity of opposites. It is an ‘account’ of how the world works, rather than literally the same as the divine power that steers events. Whether Minar is correct in this interpretation is impossible to say with certainty. 

Fire

One of the goals of the pre-Socratic philosophers was to explain what the world was made of. There are monist views among various pre-Socratics: for Thales water seems to have been some kind of basic principle, for Anaximenes it was air. Heraclitus is arguably less of a cosmologist or natural philosopher and more a commentator upon the human condition. However, although he references the elements of earth, air and water (e.g. DK31 and 76) as if thinking in a similar framework to his Milesian predecessors, he placed a particular emphasis upon fire, which he presents as somehow running through all things. Our understanding of the role of fire is limited to about half a dozen fragments, of which the most cosmologically interesting has been touched upon already:

The ordering [kosmos], the same for all, no god nor man has made, but it ever was and is and will be: fire ever living, kindled in measures and in measures going out. (DK30)

It is an open question whether Heraclitus is thinking of actual physical fire or just a symbolic fire. To some extent, probably both. Fire is sacred (used in ritual), it is dynamic, it is both creative and destructive. Heraclitus does not seem to be a monist in the sense of claiming that ‘fire is the basic stuff that everything is made of’ as is often claimed. For example he writes in DK31 of fire changing into water. One can see the sense of making water the basic stuff of the universe, as Thales allegedly did, as it is both variable and relatively permanent, but fire is mobile, impermanent, transforming and processual by nature. It is clear however that Heraclitus places it in prime position:

All things are an exchange for fire, and fire for all things, as goods for gold and gold for goods. (B90)

Fire here is given pride of place. However, goods and gold are not the same thing – they are exchanged for each other. Similarly, ‘fire’ is not the same as ‘all things’ – these too are in some sense being ‘exchanged’ for each other, implying that the world is not ‘made of fire’ so much as engaged in a permanent rhythmic process of flux between opposites of which fire is the most potent symbol.  

Conclusion

We may now draw some conclusions about Heraclitus’s philosophical outlook.

  1. All that exists is a single unity; this whole is made of many parts. 
  2. All things happen according to an eternal ordering principle known as the logos which structures both the material cosmos and human thought and discourse.
  3. The world is in eternal flux, symbolised by fire: there are stable entities but in a process of constant change. 
  4. This is structured through a conflict of opposites that are non-identical and in tension but at the same time are in unity as they need each other to exist.
  5. All things are steered by a divine, rational organising power (which arguably can’t be simply equated to the logos).
  6. Though the truth is before us, it is hidden beneath the surface so most humans are ignorant of it (as if asleep), but the truth can be known with the right philosophical tools.

The great contribution of Heraclitus to philosophy in general and dialectics in particular is to make motion and contradiction the focus of his thought. An entity can, depending on one’s perspective in space and time, have apparently opposite tendencies at once. Heraclitus wants us to see reality as fluid: even apparently or relatively stable entities are in a state of flux and can change from one state to another, even becoming the opposite of what they are currently. Thanks to the common structure provided by the logos, ‘the pattern of human life and the pattern of cosmic order are one and the same’ (Kahn p22); it is in this sense, perhaps that ‘mortals are immortal’ (DK62). The task of philosophy then is to know the logos so that ignorant, confused and mortal human beings can awake to how the world actually works, i.e. as Heraclitus describes it, and know their place within it. 

[This series needs a Part 1 to introduce dialectics in general but I haven't written it yet (sorry). I will write it at some point then back-date it to provide a frame for this one.]




Footnotes

1. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers, Book IX, chapter 1. Reproduced in ed. Jonathan Barnes, Early Greek Philosophy (1987), p105 or read online here. The dating of Heraclitus is discussed in G.S. Kirk & J.E. Raven, The PreSocratic Philosophers (1957), p182-3.

2. G.W.F. Hegel, Lectures on the History of Philosophy, Part One Section One D

3. The temple Heraclitus knew was burned down in 356 BCE. From 323 BCE it was rebuilt, and this new temple became one of the Seven Wonders of the ancient world.

4. Published in 1948, this is a translation of the 5th edition of Diels-Kranz, not the last 1952 6th edition. 

5. G.S. Kirk, Heraclitus: The Cosmic Fragments (1962), p7. 

6. Charles H. Kahn, ‘A New Look at Heraclitus’ (1964).

7. Aristotle, Rhetoric 1407b11-18.

8. Hegel, op. cit.

9. See the Foreword by James Hillman in Fragments by Heraclitus, translated by Brooks Haxton (2003). Hillman seems to draw an equivalence between Heraclitus’s view of nature as hiding its true nature, which must be revealed through ambiguous signs, and post-structuralist ideas about drawing out hidden meanings from beneath the surface using the flawed mode of language.

10. For a full discussion of what logos meant in the 5th century BCE and earlier, see W. K. C. Guthrie, A History of Greek Philosophy, Volume 1: The Earlier Presocratics and the Pythagoreans (1962), p419-24. 

11. Charles H. Kahn, The Art and Thought of Heraclitus (1979), p21.

12. Cratylus, who appears in this dialogue as a character, was a follower of Heraclitus. The flux reading may have been misunderstood, and passed on to Plato, by him. 

13. G.S. Kirk, ‘Natural Change in Heraclitus’ (1951).

14. Aristotle, Metaphysics 1010a7–15.

15. Jonathan Barnes, Early Greek Philosophy (1987), p74.

16. Kahn, op. cit., p188.

17. Edwin L. Minar Jr, ‘The Logos of Heraclitus’ (1939).